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Participants called strongly for the government to abandon its policy of neutrality and to bring about the liberation of Transylvania. On 15 March, an important meeting was held in Iași with the support of the Cultural League. The demonstrations continued in April.

Gary Rivlingaryrivlin gmail. Rallye jurassien 2021 suisse anti aging was the end of November, three weeks after Trump's improbable victory, and Cohn, then still the president of Goldman Sachs, was at Trump Tower presumably at the invitation of Kushner, with whom he was friendly. Cohn was there to offer his views about jobs and the economy. But, like the man he was there to meet, he was at heart a salesman. On the campaign trail, Trump had spoken often about the importance of investing in infrastructure.

Yet the president-elect had apparently failed to appreciate that the government would need to come up with hundreds of billions of dollars to fund his plans.

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Cohn, brash and bold, wired to attack any moneymaking opportunity, pitched a fix that would put Wall Street firms at the center: Private-industry partners could help infrastructure get fixed, saving the federal government from going deeper into debt.

The way the moment was captured by the New York Timesamong other publicationsTrump was dumbfounded. Was a trillion-dollar infrastructure plan likely to increase the deficit by a trillion dollars? Confronted by nodding heads, an unhappy president-elect said, "Why did I have to wait to have this guy tell me? Photo: Bryan R. Trump proclaimed that Hillary Clinton was in the firm's pockets, as was Ted Cruz.

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It was Goldman Sachs that Trump singled out when he railed against a system rigged in favor of the global elite — one that "robbed our working class, stripped our country of wealth, and put money into the pockets of a handful of large corporations and political entities.

Aggressive and relentless, a former aluminum siding salesman and commodities broker with a nose for making money, Cohn had turned Goldman's sleepy home loan unit into what a Senate staffer called "one of the largest mortgage trading desks in the world.

Now Cohn would be coordinating economic policy for the populist president. The conflicts between the two men were striking. Cohn ran a giant investment bank with offices in financial capitals around the globe, one deeply committed spranceana cum se indeparteaza a world with few economic borders.

Trump's nationalist campaign contradicted everything Goldman Sachs and its top executives represented on the global stage.

Part Two: Surprising Relations with the Political Class

Trump raged rallye jurassien 2021 suisse anti aging "offshoring" by American companies during the campaign. He even threatened "retribution,"­ a 35 percent tariff on any goods imported into the United States by a company that had moved jobs overseas.

But Cohn laid out Goldman's very different view of offshoring at an investor conference in Naples, Florida, in November. There, Cohn explained unapologetically that Goldman had offshored its back-office staff, including payroll and IT, to Bangalore, India, now home to the firm's largest office outside New York City: "We hire people there because they work for cents on the dollar versus what people work for in the United States.

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Early in his candidacy, Rallye jurassien 2021 suisse anti aging described as "disgusting" Pfizer's decision to buy a smaller Irish competitor in order to execute a "corporate inversion," a maneuver in which a U.

The Pfizer deal ultimately fell through. But inin the heat of the campaign, Goldman advised on a megadeal that saw Johnson Controls, a Fortune company based in Milwaukee, buy the Ireland-based Tyco International with the same goal. A few months later, with Goldman's help, Johnson Controls had executed its inversion. With Cohn's appointment, Trump now had three Goldman Sachs alums in top positions inside his administration: Steve Bannon, who was a vice president at Goldman when he left the firm inas chief strategist, and Steve Mnuchin, who had spent 17 years at Goldman, as Treasury secretary.

And there were more to come. A few weeks later, another Goldman partner, Dina Powell, joined the White House as a senior counselor for economic initiatives.

Goldman was a longtime client of Jay Clayton, Trump's choice to chair the Securities and Exchange Commission; Clayton had represented Goldman after the financial crisis, and his wife Gretchen worked there as a wealth management adviser. And there rallye jurassien 2021 suisse anti aging the brief, colorful tenure of Anthony Scaramucci as White House communications director: Scaramucci had been a vice president at Goldman Sachs before leaving to co-found his own investment company.

Even before Scaramucci, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass. The idea that the president is now going to turn over the country's economic policy to a senior Goldman executive turns my stomach.

George W. Bush at one point had three. At its peak, the Trump administration effectively had six. Earlier this summer, Trump boasted about his team of economic advisers at a rally in Cedar Rapids, Iowa. Smart," Trump said. He went from massive paydays to peanuts. The crowd cheered. Plus, he'd sold a million more Goldman shares over the previous half-dozen years.

Like anyone taking a top job in the Trump administration, Cohn was required to sign a pledge vowing not to participate for the next two years in any matter "that is directly and substantially related to my former employer or former clients, including regulations and contracts. Cohn never responded to the letter, and if he has ever received a waiver, it has not been made available to the public or the Office of Government Ethics.

Cohn will recuse himself from participating in any matter directly involving his former employer, Goldman Sachs," White House spokesperson Natalie Strom said. The president had promised to "do a number" on financial reforms implemented after the subprime crisis, including one that threatened to cost Goldman several billion dollars a year in revenues.

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Under Cohn, the administration has introduced new rules easing initial public offerings — a Goldman Sachs specialty dating back to the start of the last century, when the firm handled the IPOs of Sears, Roebuck; F. Woolworth; and Studebaker. As Trump's top economic policy adviser, Cohn can exert influence over regulatory agencies that have shaken billions in penalties and settlements out of Goldman Sachs in recent years.

And his former colleagues inside Goldman's Public Sector and Infrastructure group likely appreciate the Trump administration's infrastructure plan, which is more or less exactly as Cohn first pitched it inside Trump Tower in November.

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The Trump economic agenda, it turns out, is largely the Goldman agenda, one with the potential to deliver any number of gifts to the firm that made Cohn colossally rich.

If Cohn stays, it will be to pursue an agenda of aggressive financial deregulation and massive corporate tax cuts — he seeks to slash rates by 57 percent — that would dramatically increase profits for large financial players like Goldman.

It is an agenda as radical in its scope and impact as Bannon's was. Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump holds up a copy of his book "The Rallye jurassien 2021 suisse anti aging of the Deal," given to him by a fan as he speaks during a campaign stop on Saturday, Nov. He talks of military schools and visits to construction sites with his father and wrote in "The Art of the Deal" that in the second grade, "I actually gave a teacher a black eye.

I punched my music teacher because I didn't think he knew anything about music and I almost got expelled. Trump himself crumpled when asked about the incident during the campaign: "When I say 'punch,' when you're that age, nobody punches very hard.

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It appears that Cohn actually did slug a grade-school teacher in the face. As a child, Cohn struggled with dyslexia, a reading disorder people didn't understand much about when Cohn attended school in the s in a suburb outside Cleveland.

When Cohn couldn't find a job after graduating from college, all his father could do was find him one selling aluminum siding.

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While Trump has the instincts of a reality show producer and an eye for spectacle, Cohn prefers to operate in the shadows. But they likely recognize much of themselves in the other. Both Cohn and Trump are alpha males — men of action unlikely to be found holed up in an office reading through stacks of policy reports.

In fact, neither seems to be much of a reader. Cohn told Gladwell it would take him roughly six hours to read just 22 pages; he ended his time with the author by wishing him luck on "your book I'm not going to read. Trump switched his voter registration between Democratic, Republican, and independent seven times between and He even bought and refurbished a golf course in Westchester County a few miles from the Clinton home, in part, Trump once admitted, to ingratiate himself with the Clintons.

Marco Rubio. There are also striking similarities in their business histories.

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Both have a knack for weathering scandals and setbacks and coming out on top. Trump has filed for bankruptcy four psihologie anti aging, started a long list of failed businesses casinos, an airline, a football team, a steak companybut managed, through his best-selling books and highly rated reality TV show, to recast himself as the world's greatest businessman.

Goldman not only survived but thrived, posting record profits — and Cohn was rewarded with handsome bonuses and a position at the top of the new administration. Cohn's path to the White House started with a tale of brass and bluster that would make Trump the salesman proud.

Still in his 20s and stuck selling aluminum siding, Cohn made a play that would change his life. In the fall ofwhile visiting the company's home office on Long Island, he stole a day from work and headed to the U. He overheard an important-looking man say he was heading to LaGuardia Airport; Cohn blurted out that he was headed there, too.

He jumped into a cab with the man and, Cohn told Gladwell, who devoted six pages of "David and Goliath" to Cohn's underdog rise, "I lied all the way to the airport. Cohn likely knew even less, but he assured his backseat companion that he could get him up to speed. Cohn then spent the weekend reading and re-reading a book called "Options as a Strategic Investment. Cohn soon learned enough to venture off on his own and established himself as an independent silver trader on the floor of the New York Commodities Exchange.

InGoldman Sachs, arguably the most elite firm on Wall Street, offered him a job. Marcus Goldman, a Jewish immigrant from Germany, leased a cellar office next to a coal chute in There, in an office one block from Wall Street, he bought the bad debt of local businesses that needed quick cash. His son-in-law, Samuel Sachs, joined the firm in A generation later, inthe firm made its first mark, arranging for the public sale of shares in Sears, Roebuck.

Goldman Sachs's influence over politics dates back at least to That year, Henry Goldman, the founder's son, was invited to advise Woodrow Wilson's administration about the creation of a central bank, mandated by the Federal Reserve Act, which had passed the previous year. Goldman Sachs men have played important roles in U. There was rallye jurassien 2021 suisse anti aging occasional scandal, such as Goldman Sachs's role in the collapse of Penn Central railroad, then the largest corporate bankruptcy in U.

Still, the firm built a reputation as a sober, elite partnership that served its clients ably. Inwhen John Whitehead, a senior partner and co-chairman, set to paper what he called Goldman's "Business Principles," he began with the firm's most cherished belief: The client's interests come before all else.

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Two years later, Goldman took a step that signaled the beginning of the end of that culture. In the fall ofGoldman purchased J. Some within the partnership were against the acquisition, worried over how profane, often crude, trading culture would mix with Goldman's restrained, well-mannered way of doing business.

Aron partner told Fortune magazine in The J. Aron team moved into the Goldman Sachs offices in lower Manhattan, but didn't adopt its culture. They were employees inside a firm of 6, but were posting one-third of Goldman's total profits.

The cultural shift, it turned out, was moving in the other direction. Aron, according to a book by Charles D. Ellis, a former Goldman consultant, brought to Goldman "a trading culture that would become dominant in the firm. Aron, a year after Goldman acquired the firm. Aron eight years after Blankfein did, in Four years later, Blankfein was put in charge of the firm's Fixed Income, Currency, and Commodities division, which included J. Cohn, loyal and hard-working, with an instinct for connecting with people who can help him, became Blankfein's " corporate problem solver.

Rallye jurassien 2021 suisse anti aging making money is your vision, what lengths will you not go? The firm underwrote dozens of technology IPOs, including Microsoft and Yahoo, in the s and s, minting an untold number of multimillionaires and the occasional billionaire.

It seemed inevitable that some within Goldman Sachs began to dream of jettisoning the Goldman's century-old partnership structure and taking their firm public, too. Jon Corzine was running the firm then — he would later go into politics in the Goldman tradition, first as a U.

Corzine's second in command, Henry Paulson — who would go rallye jurassien 2021 suisse anti aging to serve as Treasury secretary — was against the idea. But Corzine ordered up a study that supported his view that remaining private stifled Goldman's competitive opportunities and promoted Paulson to co-senior partner. Paulson soon got on board. Like any publicly traded company, there would now be pressure on Goldman Sachs to make its quarterly numbers and "maximize shareholder value.

Part One: Proposals Doomed to Fail

Under the old system, any losses or fines came out of the partners' pockets. In the early s, for example, the firm was involved in transactions with Robert Maxwell, a London-based media mogul who was accused of stealing hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies' pension funds. Now any losses are paid by a publicly traded entity owned by shareholders, with no direct financial liability for the decision-makers themselves. In theory, Goldman could claw back bonuses in response to executives' bad behavior.

The Goldman Sachs Group Inc. When Blankfein was made vice chairman in charge of the firm's allure beauty anti-imbatranire recenzii global commodities business and its equities division, Cohn took over as co-head of FICC, Blankfein's previous position.

That meant Cohn was overseeing not just J. Aron and the firm's commodities business, but also its currency trades and bond sales.

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By the start ofBlankfein was promoted to president and COO, and Cohn was named co-head of global securities. At that point, Cohn had authority over the mortgage-trading desk. Under Cohn, the firm aggressively moved into the subprime mortgage market, using Goldman's own money and that of its customers to help stoke the housing bubble.

Goldman was already enabling subprime predators, such as Ameriquest and New Century Financial, by providing them with the cash infusions they needed to scale up their lending to individual home buyers. Cohn would steer the firm deeper into the subprime frenzy by setting up Goldman as a patron of some of these same mortgage originators.

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Under Cohn's watchful eye, Goldman's brokers then funneled slices to customers they sold on the wisdom of holding mortgage-backed securities in their portfolios. One such creation, GSAA Home Equity Trustillustrates Goldman's disregard for the quality of loans it was buying and packaging into security deals.

By the end of65 percent of the roughly 1, borrowers whose loans remained in the deal were in default, had filed for bankruptcy, or had been targeted for foreclosure. In just three years, Goldman Sachs had increased its trading volume by a factor of 50, which the Wall Street Journal attributed to "Cohn's successful push to rev up risk-taking and use of Goldman's own capital to make a profit"— what the industry calls proprietary trading, or prop trading.

The Journal article quoted Justin Gmelich, then the firm's mortgage chief, who said of Cohn, "He reshaped the culture of the mortgage department into more of a trading environment.

Bush's cabinet as Treasury secretary.

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Blankfein, Cohn's mentor and friend, took Paulson's place. By tradition, Blankfein, a trader, should have elevated someone from the investment banking side to serve as his No.

Instead he named Cohn, his long-time loyalist, and Jon Winkelried, who also had history on the trading side, as co-presidents and co-COOs. Winkelried, who had started at Goldman eight years before Cohn, had probably earned the right to hold those titles by himself.

But Cohn had the advantage of his relationship with the CEO. Blankfein and Cohn vacationed together in the Caribbean and Mexico, owned homes near each other in the Hamptons, and their children attended the same school. Winkelreid was out in two years. The bromance between his fellow No.